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                <text>Fiche technique du site Mushau shipit&#13;
&#13;
Fiche pour la collecte des informations liée au site Nom du site et expliquer pourquoi il porte ce nom&#13;
&#13;
MUSHUAU-SHIPIT (rivière au pays sans arbre) porte trois noms : en inuttitut Kangirsualujjap kuunga (rivière de la grande baie) chez les naskapies (rivière Metsheshu). En 1811, la rivière est nommée à l’honneur du roi George III. Mushuau-shipit – Kanenauan atik – Rivière George&#13;
&#13;
Lieux du site – description de l’endroit et localisation / région&#13;
&#13;
·  Le basin de Mushuau-shipit se localise presque à l’extrémité au nord du Québec&#13;
·  Une longueur de 563km, 34 rapides, une rivière du sud au nord&#13;
·  Elle prend sa source à 60 km au nord de la frontière du Labrador&#13;
·  La rivière se jette dans la baie Ungava&#13;
·  Rétrécissement de la rivière, pointe rocheux avançant vers la rivière&#13;
·  Les bords de la rivière sont en pente douce, pas de rapides Pourquoi le site est considéré sacré et important (légendes, expérience vécus, événements, portage, cimetières, rassemblements et habitations, etc.) Site de rassemblement pour la chasse aux caribous, le caribou cherche un passage peu accidentés, pas de falaises, pas de rapides.&#13;
« Certains venaient à la Rivière George, on venait de très loin, de tout part, pour s’approvisionner «&#13;
St Augustin », « Mingan », « Goose Bay » « Sept-Iles »; « Fort Chimo» et ailleurs…Oui, on se retrouvait nombreux en ces lieux. Ces chasseurs se désignent comme « les indiens du désert » car ils vivent sur une terre sans arbres : la toundra. Leur rôle était de veiller sur les caribous, de savoir le nombre de prises annuelles, en terme français donc office de garde-chasse. (Moi, Mestenapeu. Page 117, 1984)&#13;
&#13;
Les vestiges évoquent la présence d’habitations avec feux au centre et des postes observations.&#13;
&#13;
« Chasse spécialisée au caribou qui entraine des formes d’organisation communautaires telles des groupements multifamiliaux et des rassemblements intergroupes. Il y a 6,500 ans A.A. On observe une outillage composée de pointes de l’axe et de racloirs, de couteaux et de hache… page 573 *&#13;
&#13;
«À Mushuau-nipi, la découverte de quarante-neuf (49) sites archéologiques entraine une concentration de la recherche. » Page 237 *&#13;
« L’analyse de déchets de tailles pour désigner tout fragment ou éclat qui résulte de la fabrication d’un outil. Elle révèle d’abord que les amérindiens de l’archaïque ancien utilisaient dans la fabrication d’outils et démontre l’emplacement des tentes » page 230 *&#13;
&#13;
«…dans la plupart des cas à des sites d’observations, ces sites sont localisés sur les rives du lac à des endroits stratégiques pour intercepter le troupeau de caribou lors de la migration….La fréquentation du Mushuau-nipi se concentre durant la période de migration du caribou. » page 576 *&#13;
&#13;
*les informations proviennent du document de : Gilles Samson, Préhistoire du Mushuau-nipi. Nouveau-Québec. Étude d’adaptation à l’intérieur des terres hémi-arctiques, Thèse de Ph D., Dépt. d’anthropologie, Université de Toronto, 1983&#13;
&#13;
Légende : Atik-napeu; Atik-napeu, venu du mariage d’un chasseur avec une femelle caribou. Cette liaison lui aurait permis de comprendre non seulement ce cervidé mais aussi les autres animaux. La vraie chasse se fait sous l’égide d’Atik-napeu qui contrôle les opérations en assurant à chacun la satisfaction de ses besoins en viande ou, en cas de disette, en semant dans l’esprit du chasseur malheureux l’idée d’un châtiment mérité. Atik-napeu ne fait pas que guider indirectement les chasseurs, il communique avec le chef pendant la cérémonie de la tente tremblante ou à travers des rêves des individus. Références: Le Mushuau-nipi, À l’âge du caribou, Collections Nordica, Centre d’Études Nordiques, no.36, page 66&#13;
&#13;
Comment ce site sacré est il utilisé ?&#13;
&#13;
Autrefois : Grande chasse collective en automne&#13;
Rencontre de d’autres nations de plusieurs communautés&#13;
La transformation des viandes et des peaux demandent de vivre ensemble sur une longue période de temps.&#13;
&#13;
Aujourd’hui : Site d’éco-tourismes&#13;
Site de rassemblement ou pèlerinage pour la nation innue Site de rencontres québécois et autochtones&#13;
Site d’enseignement de l’histoire innue&#13;
&#13;
À l’avenir : Faire reconnaître ce site et environs comme lieu historique Établir des règlements d’utilisation pour le respect du site Maintenir et assurer sa protection&#13;
Site d’enseignement sur l’histoire des innus&#13;
&#13;
Identifier, protéger, reconnaître, enseigner&#13;
&#13;
Qui utilise ce site et pourquoi ?&#13;
&#13;
La nation innue, lieu de survie&#13;
Les sportifs, les touristes, randonnées de plein-air, canoteurs et kayackistes&#13;
&#13;
Est-ce que le site est protégé? Y-a-t-il des règlements? Que suggérez-vous pour protéger ce site ?&#13;
&#13;
Un document de recherche détaillé du site est complété. Le site doit faire partie d’une résolution de la Nation Innue pour sa reconnaissance et soumettre la demande au gouvernement concerné.&#13;
&#13;
Description du site&#13;
&#13;
En face la pointe il y a la Rivière de la Pointe tributaire de la rivière George Chaine de montagne de chaque côté de la rivière&#13;
Une pointe rocheuses qui avance et rétrécie de la rivière&#13;
Côté ouest, montagne dénudée et côté est, une bordure d’arbres longe la rivière. Vestiges de sites de campement à deux ou trois feux&#13;
Région du site et moyen de s’y rendre&#13;
&#13;
Par chemin de fer Tshiuetin jusqu’à Schefferville et par la suite en hydravion ou en canot&#13;
&#13;
Points GPS du site ou contour du site prise avec GPS&#13;
&#13;
Latitude : N : 56 23 53 62 Longitude : 0 : 64 45 32 21&#13;
&#13;
Toute information importante liée sur ce site&#13;
&#13;
Personnes ressources connaissant le site Yvonne Vollant, ainée de Uashat mak Mani-Utenam Grégoire Gabriel, ainé de Matimekush-Lac John&#13;
&#13;
Personnes ressources a interviewer Yvonne Vollant&#13;
&#13;
Existe-t-il d’autres données ou recherches sur ce site / indiquer lieu et informations&#13;
&#13;
Oui, beaucoup&#13;
&#13;
Indiquer les sources d’information ou de références&#13;
&#13;
www wikipédia&#13;
www,toponymie.gouv.qc.caCommission de toponymie, quebec, Rivière George&#13;
Commission des lieux et des monuments historiques du Canada : Les grandes chasses au caribou dans la région Mushuau-Nipi, Jean-Yves Pintal, archéologue&#13;
&#13;
Uapashkuss/Inventaire des sites sacrés INNU-ASSI Page 3&#13;
&#13;
Préhistoire du Mushuau-nipi. Gilles Samson, 1983&#13;
&#13;
Autres informations pertinentes du site pour le projet&#13;
&#13;
Yvonne Vollant, ainée de Uashat, Qc&#13;
Grégoire Gabruiel, ainé de Matimekush-Lac John Les amis de Mushuau nipi&#13;
&#13;
Fiche complétée par :&#13;
Evelyne St-Onge et Anne-Marie André&#13;
&#13;
Octobre 2014&#13;
&#13;
Uapashkuss/Inventaire des sites sacrés INNU-ASSI&#13;
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              <text>&lt;em&gt;Wasase; indigenous pathways of action &amp;amp; freedom&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt; By Taiaiake Alfred&lt;br /&gt; Broadview Press, Ontario, Canada 2005&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whenever I hear or read Taiaiake’s thoughts on Native peoples &amp;amp; our struggles, I think of a quote by the Chinese word-lord and all-around wise-guy, Lao Tzu: “The wise leader knows that the true nature of events cannot be captured in words. So why pretend? Confusing jargon is one sure sign of a leader who does not know how things happen.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reading Wasase I found not only confusing jargon, the result I assume of Taiaiake’s academic background as a University of Victoria professor, but also contradictory ideas about resistance movements &amp;amp; liberation struggles. Despite this, after reading the book, I had a much better understanding of Taiaiake’s philosophy and intent.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The book is a sort of ‘warrior manifesto’ that attempts to define Native people’s realities &amp;amp; why our struggles for self-determination have thus far failed. Through Wasase, which is both a book and an attempt to establish a movement (with Taiaiake as its intellectual head), Indigenous peoples will be transformed and revitalized to successfully make non-violent social change.&#13;
&lt;h4&gt;Countering the ‘Violent Insurgents’&lt;/h4&gt;&#13;
Much of Taiaiake’s initial effort is spent denouncing ‘violent insurgents,’ whom he apparently sees as his main political rivals within the Indigenous movement (although they’re never named, aside from a brief &amp;amp; superficial reference to Ward Churchill). For Taiaiake, in fact, the choice between violent armed resistance and non-violent means “is the most important decision the next generation of Onkwehonwe will collectively make” (p. 21, Onkwehonwe is a Mohawk word meaning ‘original person’, or native).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Taiaiake is very clear that these two forms of struggle are “unique disciplines that require commitments that rule out overlapping allegiances between the two approaches. They are diverging and distinctive ways of making change…” (p. 21).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But is this really true? In fact, resistance movements by their nature utilize the entire spectrum of conflict, from passive non-violent forms to armed actions. When an entire people are mobilized into struggle, everyone participates &amp;amp; contributes in whatever way they can, whether it’s passing on information, not co-operating with government officials, or firing a rifle. Nelson Mandela, a former resistance fighter in the African National Congress in S. Africa (which had an armed guerrilla force), stated in a Time magazine article on Gandhi that,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Violence and nonviolence are not mutually exclusive; it is the predominance of the one or the other that labels a struggle.”&lt;br /&gt;(Mandela, “The Sacred Warrior”, Time, January 2000)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The problem with Taiaiake’s attempt to set up a clear division between the ‘violent insurgents’ (bad) and non-violence (good) is that when it comes to resistance movements, he doesn’t know what he’s talking about. Consider his descriptions &amp;amp; comparison of armed resistance vs. non-violent action:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“This is the political formula of the strategy of armed resistance: facing a situation of untenable politics, Onkwehonwe could conceivably move toward practicing a punishing kind of aggression, a raging resistance invoking hostile &amp;amp; irredentist negative political visions seeking to engender and escalate the conflict so as to eventually demoralize the Settler society and defeat the colonial state. Contrast this with the strategic vision of non-violent contention: Onkwehonwe face the untenable politics and unacceptable conditions in their communities and confront the situation with determined yet restrained action, coherent and creative contention supplemented with a positive political vision based on re-establishing respect for the original covenants and ancient treaties that reflect the founding principles of the Onkwehonwe-Settler relationship.” (p. 21)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From where does Taiaiake conjure up this ‘strategy of armed resistance’? We’re never told who these proponents of armed resistance are, nor is there any source material to back up Taiaiake’s descriptions. Nevertheless, Taiaiake’s bias is clearly evident in his choice of words. Those who advocate armed resistance are ‘punishing’, ‘raging’, ‘hostile’, and ‘negative’, while the non-violent strategists are ‘determined yet restrained’, ‘coherent’, ‘creative’ and ‘positive’. He uses moralistic &amp;amp; judgmental terms (without providing real examples) even though later on he states “non-violent action coupled with a capacity for physical self-defense is a strategic choice, not a moral choice” (p. 52).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regarding this strategic choice, Taiaiake states:&lt;br /&gt;“Are we ready to kill &amp;amp; die for the cause of self-determination? If the answer is no—and I believe most Onkwehonwe would say no—then our strategy &amp;amp; tactics must be shaped instead to reflect the level of conflict tolerance and willingness to engage in direct action that actually exists among our people” (p. 51).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While it is true that our methods must reflect levels of conflict our people are capable &amp;amp; willing to engage in, it is also true that most of our people are colonized and, to greater &amp;amp; lesser extents, assimilated. The very thought that social change is necessary is, as a result, weakened. Taiaiake himself alludes to this:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“[T]here is no cultural base for mass action, nor is there any crucial mass of strong people to support actions and strategy that have any hope of challenging state power… This must change if we are to survive” (p. 59).&lt;br /&gt;Later, Taiaiake adds: “There are no movements for change among indigenous peoples generally because the sad fact is that there are hardly any more warriors…” (p. 82).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to Taiaiake, then, there is no support for any form of armed resistance, and yet at the same time no ‘cultural base for mass action’ and “hardly anymore warriors.” His solution appears to be to distance himself as much as possible from any hint of ‘violent resistance’ in order to build up support for non-violent mass action as the only viable strategy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the other hand, he observes that feelings of anger &amp;amp; hostility are common among Native youth that lead to support for violent forms of action. In fact, he describes it as being a “very strong force” in Native communities (p.58).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So then there is support for armed resistance, even widespread support. But Taiaiake has an array of answers to counter this sentiment: armed resistance is a futile strategy that has never been successful, one that has only lead to “frustration &amp;amp; failure”, and that is not based on ‘authentic’ Indigenous ways of life.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thus, his efforts to divide the resistance movement along the lines of ‘violence vs. non-violence’ is the first step in establishing support for his vision of mass action. In order to do this, he must both discredit ‘violent resistance’ and at the same time legitimize ‘non-violence’ as a superior strategy for change.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;h4&gt;The Myth of Gandhi &amp;amp; Non-Violence&lt;/h4&gt;&#13;
According to Taiaiake, “non-violent resistance… has been historically widespread and effective against all types of repressive regimes” (p. 52).&lt;br /&gt;Despite such a sweeping endorsement of non-violent resistance, he offers no example other than Gandhi, which he promotes as “The middle path between raging violence and complacency… The Indian mass movement against British colonization was not passive, but militantly pacifist, and it actively confronted power in a strategic, creative &amp;amp; tactically diverse manner without using violence… the basic Gandhian approach is a solid conceptual foundation for Onkwehonewe resurgences” (p. 55).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although not widely acknowledged, Ghandi’s non-violent campaign was but one part of a mass movement that also involved widespread armed resistance, massacres, bombings, riots, etc., not to mention the massive destruction inflicted on Britain during the course of World War 2. Gandhi’s movement itself was promoted by the British &amp;amp; business interests in India as an alternative to armed anti-colonial resistance (just as the US government promoted Martin Luther King over Malcolm X).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In response to a recent effort by US-based ‘aid’ agencies to promote the movie Gandhi as well as its message of nonviolent struggle among Palestinians (the Gandhi Project), Ali Abunimah (editor of the Electronic Intifida), wrote in The Myth of Gandhi and the Palestinian Reality:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“While one can admire Mohandas Gandhi’s nonviolent principles, one can hardly point to the Indian experience as a demonstration of their usefulness in overthrowing a colonial regime. Indeed, Gandhi’s concepts of satyagraha, or soul power, and ahimsa, or nonviolent struggle, played an important role during the Indian independence struggle, however the anti-colonial period in India was also marked by extreme violence, both between the British &amp;amp; Indians and between different Indian communal groups. Anti-colonial Indians committed a wide variety of terrorist acts; the British government was responsible for numerous massacres and other atrocities; and communal violence before, during, and after independence claimed the lives of millions of people. One simply cannot argue that Indian independence was achieved in a nonviolent context.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other critics of the ‘Gandhi myth’ assert that he may have been an asset, if not an agent, for the British crown, used to suppress &amp;amp; control anti-colonial resistance. In India &amp;amp; the Raj: 1919-1947; Glory, Shame and Bondage, Suniti Kumar Ghosh describes Gandhi’s non-violence as,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“an ideal weapon with which to [weaken] the anti-imperialist spirit of the people. Gandhi himself declared that his satyagraha technique was intended to combat revolutionary violence. It may be borne in mind that this prophet of non-violence, though violently opposed to the use of violence by the people in the struggle against British imperialism, actively supported, whether in S. Africa, London or India, the most violent wars launched by the British masters and, towards the close of his life, was in favour of war between India &amp;amp; Pakistan and approved or suggested the march of troops into Junagadh, Kashmir and Hyderabad…&lt;br /&gt;“British imperialism recognized him as the national leader. Like General Smuts, many Viceroys including Willingdon regarded him as an asset. In combating the militant forces of anti-colonial… struggle, the British ruling classes counted on his help and he never failed them… The Indian business elite hailed him: his message of non-violence, his satyagraha, his faith in the raj, his political aspirations, his abhorrence of class struggle… his determination to preserve the status quo, his ‘constructive programme’ intended to thwart revolutionary action—all these and more convinced them that in the troubled times ahead, he was their best friend.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What did Gandhi’s movement achieve in the end? Was it any more successful than other revolutionary struggles that Taiaiake so casually dismisses as being ultimately counter-productive? Not really; India remains dominated by Western imperialism and wracked by extreme poverty, state violence, and social conflict. Gandhi’s stellar reputation as a saintly saviour of the poor is itself a subject of debate. So much for Ghandi and his example of ‘non-violent’ resistance.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;h4&gt;A Confusing &amp;amp; Contradictory Strategy&lt;/h4&gt;&#13;
Perhaps one of the greatest dangers of Taiaiake’s convoluted strategy is that he denounces violence as a form of resistance, yet acknowledges the necessity for armed self-defense against state repression. But how are a people to organize &amp;amp; commit to armed self-defense, when their movement &amp;amp; ideology are based on non-violence (and especially when so much of Wasase’s arguments against using violence are morally based)? Taiaiake both disarms the people with his diatribes against ‘violent insurgents’, and then at the same time seeks to arm a small, elite defensive force. This idea of ‘armed self-defense’ deserves closer scrutiny.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is generally acknowledged as foolish for a small, lightly armed force to directly confront a larger, more powerful enemy. Yet, this is the only thing Taiaiake’s ‘armed self-defense’ strategy can do, in fact it’s only purpose. Regis Debray, in his book Revolution in the Revolution?, criticized the strategy of ‘armed self-defense’ on these grounds:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“[T]he community practicing self-defense is denied any initiative. There is no choice of the site of combat, no benefits of mobility, maneuver, or surprise. Since the zone of self-defense is already exposed, it will be the object of an encircling action and a carefully prepared attack by the enemy at the moment of his own choosing” (Revolution in the Revolution?, p. 30).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Quoting a Vietnamese directive to its guerrilla fighters:&lt;br /&gt;“Allowing oneself to be attacked or limiting oneself to passive defense is to place oneself in the position of being unable to protect the population and to expose one’s own forces to attrition. On the other hand, to seek for ways to attack the enemy is to put him on the permanent defensive, to exhaust him and prevent him from expanding his activities, to wrest the initiative from him, and to impede his search operations…” (Revolution in the Revolution?, quoted on p. 45).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although Taiaiake offers Oka 1990 as an example of armed self-defense, in reality it was the threat of an Indigenous uprising across the country (an insurgency) that limited lethal state repression, and not any capacity for armed (or even non-violent) resistance that existed in either Kanehsatake or Khanawake (excluding the initial July 11 fire-fight, in which one police officer was shot &amp;amp; killed).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A major flaw in Taiaiake’s analysis appears to be his limited understanding of what an insurgency is. Taiaiake’s portrayal of insurgents as armed killers randomly carrying out acts of ‘terror’ (or fantasizing about it) not only mimics state propaganda, it is also simplistic.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An insurgency is not just a guerrilla force, but a resistance movement comprised of many diverse people &amp;amp; groups. Consequently, there are many diverse tactics &amp;amp; strategies used, both non-violent and violent. In fact, military action is only one small part of an insurgency, which combines political, economic, psychological and cultural aspects as part of an overall resistance (even military counter-insurgency experts grasp this basic understanding of the nature of insurgencies). The degree to which armed force is used depends on many variables, including social conditions, terrain, enemy actions, and its acceptance as a necessary &amp;amp; viable strategy by the population.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Taiaiake, it seems, wants to appear as both a respectable, rational, reformist type, as well as a warrior revolutionary. Compare his comments on restoring ancient treaties as the key to “peaceful co-existence” (quoted above, from p. 21) to this militant-sounding outburst:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“[S]ome of us want to reform colonial law and policy, to dull that monster’s teeth so that we can’t be ripped apart so easily. Some of us believe in reconciliation, forgetting that the monster has a genocidal appetite… I think that the only thing that has changed since our ancestors first declared war on the invaders is that some of us have lost heart. Against history and against those who would submit to it, I am with the warriors who want to beat the beast into bloody submission… “ (p. 37)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yet, just shortly before this, Taiaiake cautions “And, of course, violence begets violence. The implication of an approach to making change using armed force to attack institutions and the structure of power is an ensuing culture of violence that is, in its very existence, the negation of the ideal of peaceful coexistence at the heart of Onkwehonwe philosophies” (p. 23).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Then, later, we find Taiaiake retreat from even using ‘violent language’. Instead of using the word enemy, Taiaiake offers the word adversary, which “implies that we have the objective of transformation driven by compassion achieved through teaching generating relations of love” (p. 202).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Such nonsensical statements only serve to disarm our people, who need their fighting spirit strengthened, not dampened. As a resistance movement, we use a language of combat &amp;amp; conflict because it more accurately reflects the nature of our struggle and the attitude we need to fight. While it may appeal to Taiaiake’s groupies that he appears as both a ‘bad-ass’ warrior and a sensitive, compassionate soul, the result can only be confusion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the same time as he attempts to dampen our warrior spirit, Taiaiake tries to draw in genuine warriors by exploiting what I term the ‘Simple-Soldier Syndrome’: warriors who want to be seen as doing their duty of defending their people, without the burden of analysis as to how the struggle is to be carried out. Taiaiake is convenient to these warrior-types as he appears to have the intellectual capacity &amp;amp; analysis that legitimizes their simple-soldier approach. But this is an illusion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Like Wasase, Taiaiake is a paradox: although he preaches a psuedo-revolutionary and militant ideology, the best strategy he can offer is Ghandi’s reformist (even collaborator) movement based on civil disobedience. While he promotes direct action, what actions has he participated in? If Gandhi at least led by example, what is Taiaiake doing besides promoting a confusing and convoluted strategy for “non-violent” social change?</text>
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              <text>The FBI’s infamous Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTEL-PRO) should serve as a chilling reminder of the length to which our enemy will go to crush our resistance. This is especially true since veterans of this time are still with us, &amp;amp; many remain in prison to this day as a result (inc. Leonard Peltier, Mumia Abu-Jamal, etc.).&lt;br /&gt;Many are also dead, killed by the FBI, police, &amp;amp; paramilitaries during the 1960’s &amp;amp; 70’s. Our failure to learn from this time would not only leave us vulnerable to the same tactics, it would be a dishonor to the sacrifices made by the previous generation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;COINTEL-PRO had its roots in the anti-communist campaign of the 1950s (when the Cold War began). Its first targets were communist &amp;amp; socialist groups, as well as the black civil rights movement. In the 1960s, new liberation movements emerged around the world. US involvement in Vietnam &amp;amp; the fierce resistance of the Vietnamese people contributed to a climate of insurgency &amp;amp; rebellion, one that extended into the US itself.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At this time, COINTEL-PRO was expanded nation-wide, involving extensive surveillance, informants, collaborators, assaults, false charges, imprisonment, fabricated communications, smear &amp;amp; disinformation campaigns, burglary, vandalism, arson, as well as lethal force. Many key organizers were assassinated, and many are still imprisoned. Among the hardest hit were the Black Panthers &amp;amp; the American Indian Movement, although the Chicano, Puerto Rican, and anti-war movements were also targeted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The goal of this counter-insurgency campaign was to destroy organized resistance movements, using any means necessary. A major focus was instilling a sense of paranoia &amp;amp; fear among movements, in order to neutralize them. Those who refused to submit were targeted with harsher methods, and some killed. Violent assaults &amp;amp; deaths contributed to over-greater paranoia &amp;amp; insecurity. By exploiting internal divisions during a time of intense repression, the FBI/police were successful in neutralizing this first phase of current resistance in North America (but they couldn’t kill the spirit).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;COINTEL-PRO was exposed after unknown persons broke into the FBI’s Media, Pennsylvania offices in 1971. Government hearings and inquiries gave the impression that COINTEL-PRO ended; however, domestic repression continued throughout the 1970s, ’80s, and ’90s. Today, new anti-terrorist laws such as the PATRIOT ACT have legitimized much of what occurred under COINTEL-PRO and have even extended the powers of FBI, police &amp;amp; intelligence agencies.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;h4&gt;Examples of COINTEL-PRO Techniques:&lt;/h4&gt;&#13;
&lt;strong&gt;Surveillance:&lt;/strong&gt; extensive &amp;amp; wide-spread surveillance was used to gather information on groups &amp;amp; individuals, both technical (bugs, wiretaps, telephone, mail, photo &amp;amp; film) &amp;amp; physical (personal &amp;amp; vehicle). This info often formed the basis for further COINTEL-PRO operat-ions. FBI &amp;amp; local police agencies, along with other law enforcement agencies, were involved. Surveillance itself was often used as a means to induce paranoia &amp;amp; fear (by surveillance being obvious &amp;amp; belligerent).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Infiltrators, informants &amp;amp; collaborators:&lt;/strong&gt; widespread use of infiltrators &amp;amp; informants was a key part of the FBI’s COINTEL-PRO. Informants, usually disaffected members or associates of a group, were recruited through intim-idation or money. They provided critical human intelligence. In the case of infiltrators &amp;amp; collaborators, they also actively disrupted organizations &amp;amp; enabled FBI/police to carry out deadly assaults, frame-ups, etc.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Infiltrators included FBI agents, undercover police, and civilians. In some police departments, ‘red squads’ worked with anti-gang units to prevent unity between gangs &amp;amp; resistance movements. They also recruited infiltrators from gang members facing jail or for money.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Infiltrators were often able to provide information &amp;amp; resources (via their FBI/police handlers) to the group. Because of their experience with weapons &amp;amp; violence, they were often promoted to high-ranking positions in the organization, with some being in charge of security for chapters or leaders.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;How did the movements become so heavily infiltrated? They were completely open &amp;amp; public organizations, which actively recruited members from the general public. Infiltrators were easy to place. The only area in which security measures were taken was at the leadership level, and this is where some of the greatest mistakes were made.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In both the Black Panthers &amp;amp; AIM, infiltrators gained access to this inner circle, frequently in charge of security for the group itself. Some played the role of an ‘ultra-militant’, promoting violence &amp;amp; attempting to draw the group into carrying out illegal actions. Criminals/hustlers turned infiltrators were also sources of drugs, weapons, &amp;amp; anti-social violence within groups. Other activities included planting evidence, stealing funds, sabotage of equipment or organizing efforts, supplying information leading to arrests or deaths, as well as spreading disinformation, paranoia, &amp;amp; division.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Bad-jacket, or snitch-jacket:&lt;/strong&gt; when a genuine movement member is portrayed as being an informant (or a thief, a rapist, etc.). Often, other informants are used to spread rumours, plant evidence, etc. In their efforts to attach a bad-jacket, police may frequently arrest a target during raids, but then quickly let him/her go (while others remain in jail). Police themselves may gossip or leave evidence indicating a person is an informant.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The purpose of the bad-jacket is to neutralize the target individual as an effective organizer. This technique resulted in interrogations, assaults, and even executions of suspected informants (as occurred among the Black Panthers).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;False communications: fake letters were sent between individuals or groups with misinformation (i.e., allegations of sexual affairs between members, death threats, etc.). When hostilities existed between groups, this was exploited to the point where assaults &amp;amp; even deaths occurred.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another example of false communications was the production of fake newsletters, posters, etc. by the FBI/police, and distributed as genuine movement publications. This technique was effective in cutting funding for one Panther chapter’s breakfast program after offensive comics were sent to funders.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Media disinformation:&lt;/strong&gt; in collaboration with corporate media, the FBI &amp;amp; police would conduct ‘smear &amp;amp; disinformation’ campaigns against movements, organizations, &amp;amp; individuals, portraying them as violent, criminal, terrorist, or insane.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Arrests/false evidence/frame-ups:&lt;/strong&gt; petty charges &amp;amp; outright frame-ups were used to tie people &amp;amp; groups up in the court system, and to imprison many with harsh sentences. Constant or massive arrests &amp;amp; charges drained movements of time &amp;amp; resources, diverting them from resistance to legal defense. Imprisonment served to neutralize organizers while scaring away the less-committed. Scores of political prisoners &amp;amp; POWs remain in US prisons to this day, imprisoned in the 1970s as a result of COINTEL-PRO. Arrests &amp;amp; imprisonment also served to criminalize movements &amp;amp; groups.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Other harassment:&lt;/strong&gt; other forms of harassment used by the FBI &amp;amp; police included approaching members at their homes or workplaces for interviews, approaching landlords, employers or family members to exert pressure on members (i.e., having them evicted, losing their jobs, or facing ostracism by family). Agents would also cancel bus reservations on behalf of an organizing group, or announce that meetings, rallies, etc. had been cancelled.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Burglary, Vandalism, and Arson:&lt;/strong&gt; FBI and local police routinely broke into offices and homes in order to steal files, copy them, and/or to destroy equipment. Offices were also set on fire, destroying valuable resources such as printing presses, files, archives, etc.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Pseudo-Gangs:&lt;/strong&gt; false groups set up by police-intelligence agents to discredit the movement &amp;amp; entrap genuine movement members. In the 1960s &amp;amp; ’70s, the FBI set up many pseudo-gangs to disrupt campaigns (i.e., among Puerto Rican independistas, anti-war activists, etc.).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Lethal force:&lt;/strong&gt; key organizers were killed by police during raids &amp;amp; assaults, by vigilantes (including right-wing racists), by FBI-police infiltrators, or as a result of ‘bad-jacketing’. Scores were killed during the 1950s, ’60s and ’70s, including:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Fred Hampton &amp;amp; Mark Clark (Black Panthers) were both killed during a police raid on their Chicago home, in 1969.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2. Alprentice Carter &amp;amp; Jon Huggins (Black Panthers) were killed in 1969 by members of a rival group in a COINTEL-PRO instigated feud.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3. George Jackson, a prisoner &amp;amp; a prominent Black Panther, was killed during an alleged escape attempt in 1971.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4. Fred Bennett, an SF Black Panther, was executed by comrades after being successfully ‘bad-jacketed’ by an FBI infiltrator, in 1969. One of the Panthers involved in this, Jimmie Carr, was himself ‘bad-jacketed’ and executed by other Panthers in 1972 (!).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Assisting Paramilitary Death Squads: On the Pine Ridge reservation in S. Dakota, at least 67 members or associates of AIM were killed by BIA police, FBI, and paramilitary forces (the Guardians Of the Oglala Nation, GOONs, as they referred to themselves) from 1973-76. The GOONs, employed by a corrupt tribal president, were armed, equipped, and supported by the FBI as part of its counter-insurgency effort against Indigenous insurgents. They carried out a reign of terror against AIM &amp;amp; traditionalists on the reserve, including fire-bombings, assaults, drive-by shootings, and killings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other examples of the use of paramilitary &amp;amp; vigilante groups include the FBI’s assistance to right-wing groups such as the Minutemen, Secret Army Organization, and the Ku Klux Klan. As with the GOONs, these groups were given funds, equipment, weapons, training and protection by the FBI. They were used to carry out assassinations, assaults, arson, etc. In Chicago, the League of Justice vigilante group was later revealed to have been assisted by the US Army’s 113th Military Intelligence unit.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;h4&gt;Two Examples of FBI/Police Assassination &amp;amp; Use of Infiltrators:&lt;/h4&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Assassination of Fred Hampton &amp;amp; Mark Clark 1969&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
Fred Hampton &amp;amp; Mark Clark were members of the Chicago chapter of the Black Panther Party. Hampton was a young &amp;amp; promising leader, a highly effective organizer who had begun forming alliances with other movements and even street gangs in Chicago, including the Blackstone Rangers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1968, FBI infiltrator William O’Neal joined the chapter. O’Neal was a petty criminal, charged with car theft and impersonating an FBI agent using false ID. In exchange for dropping these charges, O’Neal agreed to infiltrate the Chicago chapter. He quickly became head of security and Hampton’s bodyguard. This was based on his experience with weapons &amp;amp; violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In order to stop the Panther/Blackstone Ranger alliance, fake letters were sent to both groups with warnings &amp;amp; threats about one or the other. This later resulted in violent conflicts between the groups, instigated by O’Neal.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;O’Neal constantly agitated for armed attacks &amp;amp; robberies, offering training &amp;amp; weapons (the ‘ultra-militant’). He recommended getting a plane to bomb city hall, that all Panthers be armed, and that an electric chair be installed in order to interrogate/torture suspected informants (all refused). He himself brought in firearms used as a pretext for a police raid in June 1969 of the Panther offices. Such raids were again carried out in July &amp;amp; October of that year.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;O’Neal, along with other infiltrators, also stole Panther financial records, files, books, tapes, films, etc. in order to sabotage their efforts. The FBI also manufactured fake comics, which were sent to funders of the Breakfast Program. The comics were so offensive that many funders withdrew their support.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In November 1969, the FBI and local police began planning the assassination of Hampton. O’Neal supplied a detailed floor-plan of Hampton’s apartment, including his bed and the location of his head while sleeping.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On December 4/69, fourteen heavily armed police raided the apartment using a warrant to search for “illegal weapons.” Earlier that night, O’Neal had made a dinner for the residents, including Kool-Aid spiked with a sleeping agent. Hampton himself had passed out in mid-sentence talking to his mother on the phone earlier in the night. At around 4:30 AM, police kicked in the door and immediately shot Mark Clark, who was seated in the front room and armed with a shotgun (security against just such a raid). Unfortunately, Clark was passed out due to O’Neal’s Kool-Aid.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Police then directed their gunfire against the wall where Hampton’s bed was and in the area of his head. Both Hampton and Clark were killed, while others were wounded. Chicago police claimed it was a ‘wild shootout’ with heavily armed Panthers, although the only shot fired by the Panthers was when Clark’s shotgun went off in reflex to his being shot by police.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Douglas Durham, 1973-75&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Douglas Durham was a non-Native infiltrator into the American Indian Movement, working for the FBI. He was a former Iowa police officer who had also worked for the CIA and who had some Special Forces military experience. He was trained in demolitions, sabotage, burglary, etc.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the early 1960s he was involved with organized crime, including a prostitution ring. This activity led to conflicts with his wife, who died as a result of a violent assault by Durham in July 1964. He was fired from the police and found to be a violent schizoid “unfit for public service.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Durham again began working as a police intelligence agent in 1971. He was present during the siege at Wounded Knee 1973, posing as a reporter. He then joined the Iowa chapter of AIM, dyeing his hair black and wearing brown contact lenses. He claimed to be a quarter Chippewa.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Based on his background &amp;amp; skills, Durham became head of security for national AIM and a body guard to Dennis Banks, one of AIM’s national leaders. During the Wounded Knee trials of 1974-75, Durham oversaw all legal discussions &amp;amp; strategies, as well as taking control of much of AIM’s overall administration through its national office in Minneapolis (including funds).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Like other infiltrators, Durham advocated outrageous schemes including kidnapping politicians, armed confrontations, etc. He is suspected in the death of at least one person –Jancita Eagle Deer, who was killed in April 1975. Durham was the last person seen with her after he picked her up from a relative’s house. Eagle Deer had charged William Janklow, then-attorney general of S. Dakota (later governor), with rape.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In March 1975, lawyers working on the Wounded Knee defense committee obtained FBI files as part of court disclosures, one of which contained a report signed by Durham. When confronted, Durham acknowledged his role as a federal infiltrator. His exposure further demoralized AIM, which was then suffering under intense repression, including deaths, assaults, and imprisonment of its members.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;BASIC SECURITY&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The purpose of security is to protect our movement from state repression. It is vital to the success &amp;amp; survival of the resistance movement. This is because we have an enemy who actively works to undermine &amp;amp; ultimately destroy us. Failure to remain aware of security concerns can mean the difference between freedom or imprisonment, life or death, victory or defeat. Although following basic security guidelines may at first seem awkward or even overly paranoid, it is important that movement members follow them to the greatest extent possible in order to minimize the effects of increasing state repression in the years to come.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Do not send or discuss sensitive information over any form of telecommunications (phone, cell, internet, etc.), all of which are vulnerable to interception. This also includes rumours or personal information about others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2. Never discuss sensitive information in any enclosed area vulnerable to listening devices (i.e., homes, vehicles, cafes, etc.).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3. Follow the Need-to-Know-Only Rule: If a person is not involved in the information, then they do not need to know it. The less a person knows, the less danger there is they can tell others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4. Avoid those unable to follow basic security codes. They are a danger to you &amp;amp; the movement. This includes persons who talk too much, who do not take security seriously, alcoholics, drug addicts, etc.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;5. Be aware of criminals &amp;amp; hustlers posing as genuine movement members, such persons are vulnerable to recruitment by state security forces as informants (i.e., money, drugs or potential imprisonment) and are also sources of anti-social crime within movements (including drugs &amp;amp; interpersonal violence).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;6. Be aware of infiltrators, informants &amp;amp; agent provocateurs. Whether police agents or civilians, infiltrators &amp;amp; informants are important sources of human intelligence and can also severely disrupt organizations. They can help police neutralize movement members, as well as provoke incidents inviting police repression.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;7. Control access to keys, files, funds, equipment, etc. Make duplicates of important files and store at a safe location.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;8. Deal openly &amp;amp; honestly with the form &amp;amp; content of what anyone sais or does, whether the person is a suspected agent, has emotional problems, or is simply naïve.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;9. Do not talk with any federal agents or police officers, and do not allow them access into areas without a search warrant.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;10. Verify and double-check all arrangements for housing, transportation, meeting rooms, etc., to ensure they have not been cancelled or changed by others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;11. Don’t accept everything you hear or read as fact. Check with the supposed source of the information before you act. Personal communication between estranged members could have prevented or limited many FBI operations in the 1960s-70s.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;12. Document and if necessary publicize forms of harassment &amp;amp; repression. This makes others aware of harassment and can limit further repression.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For More Info: Agents of Repression: the FBI’s Secret War Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, by Ward Churchill &amp;amp; Jim Vander Wall, South End Press, 1990 edition.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://warriorpublications.wordpress.com/2011/02/13/the-fbi-cointel-pro/"&gt;https://warriorpublications.wordpress.com/2011/02/13/the-fbi-cointel-pro/&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2572">
                <text>Plan large d'un ancien campement innu au Mushuau-nipi</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2573">
                <text>Production Manitu inc.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2574">
                <text>Production Manitu inc.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2575">
                <text>2015</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="37">
            <name>Contributor</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2576">
                <text>Eddy Malenfant</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2577">
                <text>Alain Aupetit</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2578">
                <text>jpeg</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="947">
        <name>innu</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="636">
        <name>mushau-shipit</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="639">
        <name>site sacré</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
