Brazil's Afro-Descendant Experiences under Getúlio Vargas’ Leadership
Getúlio Vargas and the role of Afro-Descendants in shaping Brazil’s national identity.
Getúlio Vargas was a political figure in Brazil, first as a dictator (1930–1945) and later as an elected leader (1951–1954). He rose to power following the 1930 revolution that ended the oligarchic First Republic and quickly centralized his power. In 1937, Vargas used his dictatorial power to establish the Estado Novo, "New State". The Estado Novo was a corporatist authoritarian regime that lasted until 1945. This period was marked by many authoritarian characteristics, such as suppression of political opposition, nationalist propaganda, and heavy state control over labor and culture. (Britannica, n.d.)
During the Estado Novo regime, Vargas was a proponent of industrialization across the country as well as the symbolic inclusion of Afro-Brazilian culture, particularly through the state’s appropriation of samba and other Afro-Brazilian expressions to project a unified national identity. This regime also introduced a slew of social reforms, such as labor laws, a minimum wage, and social security. It is important to note that these reforms primarily benefited urban workers but largely excluded the rural poor and Afro-descendant populations from material advancement.
Vargas’s legacy is complex; he is celebrated as the "Father of the Poor" but also criticized for reinforcing racial and class hierarchies under the guise of unity. He died by suicide in 1954 amid mounting political pressure, but his image as a populist leader lives on, continuing to influence Brazil’s political and cultural narratives. (Britannica, n.d.)
Emphasis on Estado Novo (1937–1945) and the populist style of governance
The Estado Novo was a dictatorial period in Brazil from 1937 to 1945. It began with Vargas’ creation of a new constitution in November 1937, which he crafted with his minister of justice, Francisco Campos. Vargas declared a state of emergency, citing a supposed Communist threat, and used this as a pretext to dissolve Congress and assume dictatorial powers. The Estado Novo regime is characterized by its centralization of power, suppression of political opposition, and control over various aspects of national life.
Although it had similarities to other fascist states, the Estado Novo was more centrist and almost paternal in nature. This can be seen through its propaganda, such as in Figure 2. In this photo, Vargas is seen with a little girl and boy, both of whom are white, reinforcing the narrative of the state’s proximity to whiteness. During this period, Vargas also implemented social legislation benefiting the working class and promoted industrialization through import-substitution policies in an attempt to nationalize Brazil’s economy. The regime ended in 1945 when Vargas was forced to resign following a military coup.
Afro-Brazilian (and non Afro-Brazilian) Contributions Under Vargas
Under Vargas’ rule, elements of Afro-Brazilian culture, especially samba, were celebrated and strategically appropriated. The art that had long been associated with marginalized Black communities was repurposed as a symbol of Brazilian identity. With the help of state-sponsored carnival events and the promotion of samba music through radio stations, Vargas brought samba to the front of the international community’s consciousness of Brazil. But this was all done on Vargas’s own terms. Through lots of vetting, selecting, and sanitization, the samba that was promoted was expected to align with state propaganda, promoting national cultural unity as well as nationalist ideals. The music produced was pruned of all themes of racial struggle or resistance. (Fausto, 2017)
This can be seen through the figure of Carmen Miranda. Though born in Portugal, Miranda became the face of Brazil’s international cultural identity. There are few more iconic images than that of the “exotic” South American dancer with her basket of fruit (see Figure 3). She was responsible for popularizing Afro-Brazilian styles such as the Biana costume in Brazil and the United States. However, this visibility came at a cost. Vargas strategically promoted samba artists only when the beat of their drums marched in step with the rhythm of his government’s ideology. The art that was promoted had stripped all ties to their Afro-Brazilian roots and their political meaning. The Black communities responsible for the preservation of this art watched as the world looked on in awe of this exotic art while they remained, culturally, socially, and economically marginalized. (Fausto, 2017)
Brazil's General Statistics
Brazil is the largest country in South America, with a vast geographical area and a multicultural background. Brazil spans approximately 8.5 million square kilometres, covering nearly half of the continent, including diverse landscapes ranging from the Amazon rainforest to expansive savannahs (Klimanova et al., 2017). As of 2024, the nation accommodates over 200 million inhabitants, securing its position as the most populous country in the region and the seventh most populous globally (United Nations, 2024).
This section will examine key statistical data regarding Brazil's population size and overall racial and demographic composition while commenting on pivotal historical periods. A particular accent will be placed on the period under the presidency of Getúlio Vargas, from the 1930s to the early 1950s, an influential period in Brazilian history with lasting impacts on the Afro-descendant population in Brazil.
Population Size and Growth During Vargas’ Leadership
A complete overview of Brazil's developing national identity in the mid-twentieth century can be achieved by examining the demographic trends that emerged throughout Getúlio Vargas's administration. His two non-consecutive periods in power were accompanied by considerable growth in the country's population. Essential data regarding Brazil's population is demonstrated through O'Neill's publication, which includes information drawn from the United Nations census data on Brazil (O'Neill, 2024). This work provides statistics on Brazil's population from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the most recent census of 2022.
During Getúlio Vargas's first presidency in Brazil, lasting from 1930 until 1945, Brazil's population grew from approximately 33.9 million in 1930 to 46.7 million in 1945, with an average population of 39.8 million during his first mandate (O'Neill, 2024). After a brief absence, Vargas returned for his second term as country leader between 1951 and 1954. Brazil's population developed substantially during this period, commencing at approximately 55.6 million in 1951 and rising to approximately 60.8 million in 1954. The average population in Brazil during the second rule was 58.2 million (O'Neill, 2024).
When considering the totality of Brazil's population, disregarding the gap between the two presidential terms of Vargas, the census data indicates that the average population of Brazil between 1930 and 1954 was approximately 44.8 million (O'Neill, 2024). The population data from Getúlio Vargas's two presidencies reveals a steady and significant demographic growth in Brazil. Between 1930 and 1954, the national population increased by nearly 27 million, reflecting broader socio-economic transformations under Vargas's leadership.
Racial and Demographic Composition of Brazil
Brazil’s 1872 national census, the first since independence, included categories for races and ethnicities, establishing four classifications. In this census, brancos refers to people of the ‘white’ race, pretos for the ‘black’ race (African population), pardo for the mixed-race (replaced by mestizos in the 1890 national census), and lastly, indígenas is the ethnic category for Indigenous peoples. The results of this examination illustrated that, in 1872, Brazil’s population consisted of 38.1% of the white race (brancos), 19.7% of the black race (pretos), 42.2% of the population was of mixed-race of both brancosand pretos, and lastly, approximately 3.75% was identified as Indigenous ethnicity (indígenas). (Rocha & Aspinall, 2020). The 1872 Brazilian census, therefore, demonstrates that, before Vargas’s presidency, more than 60% of Brazil’s population was of African descent (Preto and Pardo). Brazil did not conduct any censuses including variables of race between 1900 and 1930; only on the 1940 national census, during Getúlio Vargas’s first mandate, did the racial classifications resurface (Rocha & Aspinall, 2020).
To illustrate Brazil’s population growth and transformations from before Varga’s presidency to after his last mandate, a comparison between Brazil's 1872 national population census and the 1990 census is necessary. The national census of 1990 was only conducted in 1991 and identified five racial categories. Unlike the 1872 report, the 1991 census included amarelas to represent the Asian population in the country. This 1991 examination concluded with more than half of the population identifying as brancos (52%), 42.4% identifying as pardos, only 5% as pretos, and both amarelas and indígenas with the smallest segment, 0.4% and 0.3% (Rocha & Aspinall, 2020).
With this information, essential conclusions regarding Brazil’s racial composition and classification systems throughout the twentieth century, in relation to periods before and after Vargas’s leadership, can be made. In 1872, the nation’s population was predominantly composed of Afro-descendants, more than half of whom identified as either pretos or as a mixed race with an African heritage. However, after a period of exclusion of racial categories in the early twentieth century up to Vargas’s first leadership role in 1930, there are suggestions of a distancing from the recognition of race within the society, simultaneously with a rise of nationalist movements. This explains the 1991 census results of an increase in the number of individuals who identified as mestizos.
Afro-Descendant Population in Brazil
Although Brazil has historically had one of the largest Afro-descendant populations in the world, with more than 60% of its population in 1872, the Brazilian government promoted the idea of racial democracy during Vargas's rule. This concept often served as an instrument that disguised the inequalities faced by the Afro-descendant population and, in some instances, even exacerbated those inequalities (Rocha & Aspinall, 2020). Many Afro-descendants in Brazil lived in unfavourable conditions, were overlooked by the government, and experienced poor living circumstances.
With the encouragement of racial mixing and efforts to build a strong nation, Afro-Brazilian individuals were excluded, living in underdeveloped regions with alarmingly high poverty rates. For instance, the Federation of Maranhão is Brazil's second poorest state and has the third-highest Afro-descendant population (Oliveira et al., 2014). A publication within the IBGE confirmed that, following the 2022 national census, Maranhão was occupied by 20.26% of quilombolas (residents of quilombos) in Brazil, trailing behind the state of Bahia, which had 29.90% (Gomes, 2023). Furthermore, a separate research publication noted that in 1996, at least one-quarter of the pretos population, one-quarter of mulattos, and one-quarter of the indígenas community were classified as the poorest in Brazil (Brea, 2003).
Despite their substantial presence in the country, Afro-Brazilians face significant inequalities, even though the Vargas government asserted that Brazil had complete racial harmony. This ethnic group not only experiences heavy marginalization and discrimination, but they also frequently have limited access to quality education, healthcare, and employment (Oliveira et al., 2014).